In a heart-wrenching incident, Benaulim constituency has been thrust into the spotlight following the tragic death of 41-year-old Jenito Vaz, who fell victim to the brutality of two raging bulls.
As a 10-year-old boy mourns the loss of his father, a young wife pleads for time to reverse its course, and elderly parents grapple with burying their son, the community finds itself haunted by a stark reality.
The blood of Jenito Vaz stains the hands of those who endorse and support the sadistic pleasure derived from these brutal bullfights. In particular, the Benaulim MLA, Venzy Viegas, stands accused of having blood on his hands. The responsibility is not his alone though; it extends to the police force and the Alemao clan.
In the hours leading up to Jenito's tragic demise, Venzy Viegas had advocated for the legalization of 'dhirio' in Goa, drawing inspiration from Kerala's sanctioning of 'Jallikattu.'
The Benaulim MLA, elected to power in 2022, found himself at odds with bull owners and 'dhirio' enthusiasts. In a bid to secure their votes, he championed their cause, going as far as presenting a Private Members Bill in the Assembly to legitimize these gruesome bullfights, fully aware that 'dhirio' is banned by the highest court in India. In this pursuit, MLA Viegas is now stained with the blood of Jenito Vaz.
The extent to which Venzy Viegas is willing to go to remain in power becomes apparent when he involves high-profile figures like Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal and Punjab Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann to visit Jenito's family, ostensibly to offer condolences. However, it becomes clear that this is a strategic move to demonstrate political influence to bull owners, urging them to steadfastly support him with their votes. Venzy Viegas's actions are characterized by deceit.
The police also bear responsibility for Jenito's untimely death. Failure to enforce the Supreme Court's ban on 'dhirio' allowed the tragedy to unfold. It is widely known that the police are often complicit, receiving payments from bull owners to turn a blind eye to the illegality. Their delayed response to 'dhirio' events further exposes their collusion.
In the aftermath of Jenito's death, the police prioritized the family's statement over the circumstances surrounding the fatal bullfight. The forensic team neglected to collect blood samples from the 'dhirio' site, revealing a blatant disregard for justice. Frivolous charges of 'death caused by negligence' have become the standard escape route for those involved.
The prevalence of illegal activities is sustained by the unholy alliance between politicians seeking votes and police looking to profit. The pursuit of power often leads politicians to endorse illegalities, while the police willingly turn a blind eye for financial gain.
Enter Warren Alemao, Churchill Alemao's nephew, and known muscle-man. Warren, having fallen out with his uncle, seeks to carve his political path, unapologetically supporting the savage and blood-filled bullfights. His past actions, challenging the police and administration to organize bullfights on his birthday, underscore his penchant for violence.
In the face of overwhelming evidence, Warren attempted to manipulate the narrative by falsely claiming that Jenito died at home, not during the bullfights. His comparison of himself to Jenito's son, both now fatherless, rings hollow in the wake of his father's death during an illegal activity.
For the likes Venzy Viegas and Warren Alemao, the pursuit of power seems to justify backing even the most heinous illegalities, leaving a grieving community in the wake of tragedy.
Saturday, 20 January 2024
Sunday, 14 January 2024
"Unmasking the Myth: Monserrate Punctures the Parrikar Legacy Balloon" – By Nisser Dias
In the realm of Goa's political theatre, Atanasio Babush Monserrate has boldly lifted the veil on the purported legacy of the late Manohar Parrikar, and he's not alone in his revelations. Joined by Govind Gaude, both esteemed ministers in the BJP government, they've taken it upon themselves to spill the beans on the corruption allegations surrounding Parrikar's pet projects, the smart city and the Atul Sethu bridge respectively.
As I've been an unabashed critic of the late Manohar Parrikar since time immemorial, bemoaning his 'know-it-all' demeanour, arrogant disposition, and autocratic modus operandi, I find myself nodding in agreement with these recent exposés. The eulogies about Parrikar's legacy and the grand ‘Memorial’ (Samadhi) erected by the BJP-led government under Chief Minister Pramod Sawant have left me scratching my head.
What legacy are we referring to exactly?
From anointing to appointing the first non-Goan as Chief Minister, a curious choice in a state deeply proud of its 'Goenkarponn', to orchestrating the physical removal of opposition MLAs by disguising police officers as 'Marshals' in the Assembly. Parrikar's actions hardly paint the picture of a legend. They rather expose a mind tainted by corruption and an insatiable hunger for power.
The supposedly 'intelligent' Parrikar, who somehow missed the memo on the importance of 'Good Friday' and attempted to cancel it as a public holiday, also conveniently scheduled the IFFI closing ceremony to coincide with the feast of St. Francis Xavier, showcasing a not-so-subtle touch of communal politics.
Let's not forget his attempts to scrap Gandhi Jayanti as a holiday, hand over government schools to an RSS trust, and produce a documentary on the Inquisition to be included in history books for students – a series of decisions that reflect a rather biased and divisive agenda.
Citizens daring to criticize his regime were not spared. From orchestrated raids on respected figures like Dr. Francisco Colaco and businessman Datta Naik during 2002-2004, to the unresolved case of a school rape victim, Parrikar's tenure was far from a utopia.
Even in 2012, after his return to power, hooligans and goons were reportedly let loose on activists discussing the ill-effects of illegal mining in Margao, showcasing a darker side to the U-turn Chief Minister's rule.
Parrikar's promise to evict casinos from the Mandovi River morphed into a U-turn, with their numbers multiplying. The assurance that Mopa airport would mainly handle cargo now appears to be a distant dream, as Dabolim faces the threat of losing passenger flights.
As Opposition leader, Parrikar demanded the return of vast tracts of Goa's land held by the Navy and army, but as Defence Minister, he conveniently overlooked this opportunity. His plan to organize a defence expo at the Betul-Naqueri plateau raised concerns that it might end up as a gift to the armed forces.
The late Chief Minister's legacy, if we can call it that, paints a picture of a highly manipulative, vindictive, arrogant, and communal leader. While there's a societal norm to refrain from speaking ill of the departed, history records the misdeeds of cruel dictators, and Parrikar, in his own league, deserves scrutiny.
Supporters highlight the bridges built during his tenure as Chief Minister as a testament to his development legacy. However, these are merely infrastructural upgrades. Where is the evidence of human development? Bribes persist, citizens navigate multiple visits to government offices for basic services, and files move at a glacial pace. Is this progress?
Back in June 2016, I wrote an article titled "Manohar Parrikar Failed Panjim for Two Decades as its MLA." It pointed out the capital city's woes, submerged after a one-hour shower, and blamed Parrikar for neglecting Panjim during his 20-year stint as MLA.
Monserrate, as Revenue minister and Panjim MLA, seems to be onto something when he attributes the current mess in the capital city to Parrikar's legacy and raises questions about corruption during the late Chief Minister's tenure.
At the same time, I am not exonerating Monserrate of his sins of commission and omission in public life as a politician. He too has skeletons in his closet.
However it's time to re-evaluate the Manohar Parrikar myth, for sometimes, the truth reveals itself in unexpected outbursts.
As I've been an unabashed critic of the late Manohar Parrikar since time immemorial, bemoaning his 'know-it-all' demeanour, arrogant disposition, and autocratic modus operandi, I find myself nodding in agreement with these recent exposés. The eulogies about Parrikar's legacy and the grand ‘Memorial’ (Samadhi) erected by the BJP-led government under Chief Minister Pramod Sawant have left me scratching my head.
What legacy are we referring to exactly?
From anointing to appointing the first non-Goan as Chief Minister, a curious choice in a state deeply proud of its 'Goenkarponn', to orchestrating the physical removal of opposition MLAs by disguising police officers as 'Marshals' in the Assembly. Parrikar's actions hardly paint the picture of a legend. They rather expose a mind tainted by corruption and an insatiable hunger for power.
The supposedly 'intelligent' Parrikar, who somehow missed the memo on the importance of 'Good Friday' and attempted to cancel it as a public holiday, also conveniently scheduled the IFFI closing ceremony to coincide with the feast of St. Francis Xavier, showcasing a not-so-subtle touch of communal politics.
Let's not forget his attempts to scrap Gandhi Jayanti as a holiday, hand over government schools to an RSS trust, and produce a documentary on the Inquisition to be included in history books for students – a series of decisions that reflect a rather biased and divisive agenda.
Citizens daring to criticize his regime were not spared. From orchestrated raids on respected figures like Dr. Francisco Colaco and businessman Datta Naik during 2002-2004, to the unresolved case of a school rape victim, Parrikar's tenure was far from a utopia.
Even in 2012, after his return to power, hooligans and goons were reportedly let loose on activists discussing the ill-effects of illegal mining in Margao, showcasing a darker side to the U-turn Chief Minister's rule.
Parrikar's promise to evict casinos from the Mandovi River morphed into a U-turn, with their numbers multiplying. The assurance that Mopa airport would mainly handle cargo now appears to be a distant dream, as Dabolim faces the threat of losing passenger flights.
As Opposition leader, Parrikar demanded the return of vast tracts of Goa's land held by the Navy and army, but as Defence Minister, he conveniently overlooked this opportunity. His plan to organize a defence expo at the Betul-Naqueri plateau raised concerns that it might end up as a gift to the armed forces.
The late Chief Minister's legacy, if we can call it that, paints a picture of a highly manipulative, vindictive, arrogant, and communal leader. While there's a societal norm to refrain from speaking ill of the departed, history records the misdeeds of cruel dictators, and Parrikar, in his own league, deserves scrutiny.
Supporters highlight the bridges built during his tenure as Chief Minister as a testament to his development legacy. However, these are merely infrastructural upgrades. Where is the evidence of human development? Bribes persist, citizens navigate multiple visits to government offices for basic services, and files move at a glacial pace. Is this progress?
Back in June 2016, I wrote an article titled "Manohar Parrikar Failed Panjim for Two Decades as its MLA." It pointed out the capital city's woes, submerged after a one-hour shower, and blamed Parrikar for neglecting Panjim during his 20-year stint as MLA.
Monserrate, as Revenue minister and Panjim MLA, seems to be onto something when he attributes the current mess in the capital city to Parrikar's legacy and raises questions about corruption during the late Chief Minister's tenure.
At the same time, I am not exonerating Monserrate of his sins of commission and omission in public life as a politician. He too has skeletons in his closet.
However it's time to re-evaluate the Manohar Parrikar myth, for sometimes, the truth reveals itself in unexpected outbursts.
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